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  1. Cuba and the Demonization of Anarchists: A Lesson for Our Times
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  4. Cuban Anarchism Excerpt

Nonetheless, the second clause of the manifesto unleashed a bitter polemic among the anarchists that would endure for years, between those who favored first achieving independence and then pursuing anarchist goals, and those who looked upon the independence movement as a worse-than-useless waste of time for working people.

Almost all of the organizers of the Congress were jailed and some were exiled, obliging the anarchists to return to clandestine activities. The Cubans preparing for the independence struggle operated primarily from the coast of Florida, mainly from Tampa and Key West-working class focal points, which for years housed the highest numbers of Cubans in exile. These Cubans organized themselves into unions, and these cities were enclaves of patriots, anarchists, separatists, and enemies of Spain in general. At the same time, the Cuban and Spanish workers in the different branches of the tobacco industry contemplated the Cuban question from a social or internationalist point of view.

Below the ashes there were hot coals The support of these anarchist elements within the tobacco industry for the independence movement was immense, as much in the moral as the politico-economic sphere. This is to say that the PRC was not a typical electoral political party, but rather an overall revolutionary movement, a way to independence.

In regard to labor matters, he considered anarchist precepts appropriate and just, but at the same time he abhorred the violence created by the class struggle between workers and the propertied class, and he tended as well to mistakenly differentiate between European and Cuban anarchism.

What they aspired to and obstinately fought for inside a republican regime was the good of the Cuban proletariat. It was celebrated with meetings in several cities and towns in the western part of the island. During the depression of , the actions of the industry owners in Key West provoked a very critical situation in which both the authorities and thugs in the pay of the owners carried out violent acts. The Spanish authorities in Cuba took advantage of this tense situation in Key West to weaken the nascent separatist movement in that city.

But the unemployed Cuban workers in Key West were in a lamentable state of misery, and many of them returned to Cuba. The conditions in Havana were no better than those in Key West, and the workers continued to live under horrible conditions despite their move to Cuba. The separatist movement had received monies collected from these workers, and with their return to Cuba and with the economic crash, its financial power waned considerably.

This economic destabilization had as a consequence the weakening of the social process in which the Cuban anarchists worked. Eventually, though, strike-breakers were recruited; but the solidarity shown by the anarchists toward the strikers in Key West was manifest. Politically, the plan of the Spanish authorities, in collusion with the tobacco bosses, was to fractionalize the continuing debate between anarchists and separatists by adding the nationalist ingredient, Cubans vs.

The separatists, however, who favored drawing a line between Cubans and Spaniards, fared well. In Key West, while all of this was going on, the strike ended with a pay increase for the workers. So while the anarchists in Havana suffered a temporary setback, those in Key West benefitted from this situation.

Given the weakness of the SGT, it was easy for the authorities to prohibit the commemoration of May Day in Esteve favored, rather, an attitude of apolitical neutrality. Among these, Enrique Creci, who was living at the time in Tampa, stands out. Creci returned to Cuba in , and died in a field hospital in Matanzas from machete wounds suffered in combat with Spanish troops. Messonier, for his part, was finally expelled from Cuba in after making a speech in the Payret Theater in favor of independence. After his expulsion, he played the double role of anarchoseparatist, and debated the matter of independence with the rest of the anarchist world.

Throughout this war period — , Cuban anarchists both at home and abroad tended to act more in accord with their principles than with their nationality. While in Tampa and Key West anarchists such as Creci, Messonier, and Miranda were in favor of the insurrection, in Havana one heard opinions now in favor of independence, now in favor of anti-war neutrality.

While Cuban anarchists in the United States tended to rally to the separatist flag, or at least to contribute economically to it, in Havana many anarchists were of the opinion that the calamity of a civil war should be opposed on principle, and that such a war would make their task no easier.

At the same time, the differences that existed in the anarchist camp during the war were not totally divisive, especially in Cuba where, despite their opinions about the war, many anarchists actively cooperated with the separatists. For example, the arrival of Valeriano Weyler — the new captain-general of the island, and a man noted for his lack of scruples and abundant cruelty — was met with an unfortunately unsuccessful dynamite attack on his life at his headquarters. The attack was carried out by three anarchists and one separatist who came from Key West.

In Havana, leaflets circulated urging Spanish troops posted to Cuba and Cuban colonial volunteers to desert their posts and cross over to the insurrectionary side. Retribution was not long in coming. Many anarchists opposed the war on principle, and believed that in no way would it ease the way to their goal of social liberty. From Alaska to Patagonia anarchists were pursued with the same zeal as they were in Spain. So, as was to be expected, anti-separatist-war sentiments aroused bitter discussions among anarchists of the time; and despite accusations, the anti-war anarchists felt themselves in no way to be allies of Spain.

Weyler had been sent with the categorical order to end the rebellion using any means necessary. Hunger and disease liquidated in less than three years almost an entire generation of Cubans, claiming more than , victims. Neither Weyler nor the Spanish government had made any plans whatsoever to deal with this contingency, and multitudes died — not only among the campesinos, but also among the residents of the inundated urban areas. Mortality reached figures unknown in Cuba for hundreds of years. The armed separatist movement responded to the Spanish-created horror with terror.

Cuba and the Demonization of Anarchists: A Lesson for Our Times

By August , there was a stalemate — the Cuban separatists had made no substantial progress, and Weyler had not pacified Cuba. Adrian del Valle Palmiro de Lidia , a Catalonian anarchist who had known Pedro Esteve well in Barcelona, had moved to Cuba in , from which he was promptly expelled to the United States. Reflecting upon this useless dispute, del Valle proposed a way out of the labyrinth of pro- and anti-insurrection disputes among the anarchists. In the end, del Valle successfully recommended a moratorium in the debate.

As an example of the divided feelings of anarchists about the Cuban separatist war, in January the French Committee for a Free Cuba formed in Paris under the direction of Betances, and with the support of Charles Malato. All of this was soon made academic by events in Spain and by the U. The disappearance of the principal author of Spanish foreign policy over the previous 20 years was the final blow to the already decadent Spanish empire. The U. The war formally ended in the humiliation of the Spanish government with the signing of the Treaty of Paris in December , which decreed the loss of all Spanish overseas territories.

This was an unparalleled and well-deserved debacle. The Treaty of Paris, under which Spain delivered its colonies to the mercies of the U. Ironically, the Cuban independence movement, allied with the Yankees, had won the war, but had lost the peace. After 30 years of struggle for independence, Cuba shifted from the yoke of Spanish colonialism to that of Yankee imperialism.

After the cessation of hostilities with Spain, the United States found itself as the undisputed dominant power in the Americas. Having concluded its expansion to the Pacific at the beginning of the s, the eyes of the eagle, with its political and economic ambitions, turned to the Caribbean. Cuba represented, from the days of Columbus, the strategic keystone of the region, not only in North-South communications, but also as the doorway to the planned Panama Canal.

The idea of possessing Cuba, be it through violent takeover or through purchase from Spain, had been contemplated for decades by the rulers on the Potomac. There was, however, sympathy for Cuban independence among the American people. The segment of public opinion that opposed annexation of Cuba first caused vacillation, and later reflection, in the imperialist sector controlling U. This sector sought a solution that would be palatable to all parties involved in the Spanish-American War, and they managed to find one that appeared satisfactory.

He also offered posts in the new civil administration to both those who sought autonomy from Spain, but not formal independence, and those who had sought formal independence. The pro-independence patriots, who appeared to have lost the political battle — be it through political ineptitude or rapacity for power — had to content themselves with the promise of future independence. This promised independence was conditional upon their talent for governing, good conduct, and honest intentions during this period when they were put to the test.

Of course, given that the government in Washington was ceding them the right to independence, it expected these domesticated separatists to play by its rules of the game. Thus was the stage set during the first U. The first symptom of social unrest occurred with the exhumation of the remains of Enrique Creci from an unmarked grave in Matanzas.

Upon the transport of his body to Havana, a group of war-of-independence officers and veterans in the funeral cortege clashed with the newly created Cuban police after the police prohibited a worker armed with a red banner from marching in the procession. A melee broke out between the anarchists and veterans on one side, and the police on the other. Francisco Federico Falco was stopped by police before he could speak, thus preventing the anarchist orator from presenting his eulogy to Creci.

Falco had arrived in Cuba from Italy at the end of the war. He followed in the steps of his compatriot, Orestes Ferrara, who, despite his initial affiliation with anarchism, had allied himself to the Cuban independence movement. Ferrara, who reached the rank of colonel, had been named interim civil governor of the province of Las Villas.

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He relates in his memoirs that a strike broke out against merchants, Spanish industrialists and the British-owned railroad company in Sagua la Grande. Ferrara sided with the workers. Falco followed him. During this same year, , a new stage of social struggle began in Cuba.

The strike ended with an apparent proletarian failure. The workers had never received the full backing of the public who, intimidated and coerced, had turned pessimistic.

Strikes, they were assured by the authorities, endangered the future republic. In September , a new, more moderate — but under notable libertarian influence — labor organization appeared, the Liga General de Trabajadores. It was for this reason that they decided to set up shop separately from the Alianza de Trabajadores. Despite failures over the previous decades, the annexationist temptation reared its head again with the U. The occupation of Cuba by foreign troops, especially U.

According to the American historian Kirwin R. In the same publication, Barcia insisted on concrete aid to the campesinos who still suffered in the cities as a result of the Reconcentration Decree. Families should have been able to return to their lands The Italian anarchist writer and thinker was one of the most advanced anarchist theoreticians of his time. As a resident of Paterson, New Jersey, Malatesta was also well known to the occupying authorities. He was also responsible for denying Malatesta the right to speak in public. Manuel M. The future republic, Malatesta hoped, would give the anarchists more room in which to act, but at the same time he predicted that the social panorama would continue to deteriorate.

At the turn of the century, Cuba was still divided into a deeply polarized class system. On the one hand, there was a powerful minority that represented capital and foreign interests. This class was legitimized by the Constitution of , and was supported by the government of the day; it was comprised of Cubans as much as Spaniards, and it included entrepreneurs, merchants, and industrialists.

On the other hand, there was the great majority of the population — workers and campesinos submerged in poverty, attempting to escape hunger and to recover from the misery left in the wake of the war of extermination between Spain and the pro-independence movement. But even under these conditions, the anarchists helped to organize many strikes, some of which were won, some of which were lost.

Before the inauguration of the dreamed-of republic, nascent U. Under it, as a complement to the Treaty of Paris, the U. The Platt Amendment was not only insulting but also onerous to the people of Cuba, because under it they would have to pay not only for U. The reason for the imposition of the Platt Amendment was, of course, to protect the already huge U.

But despite the odious nature of the Platt Amendment, opposition to it was weak in the early years of the 20 th century. The anarchists were among the few to attack this abuse. The reasons for this were clear. Del Valle declared that if Maceo could rise from the dead and see what was happening in Cuba, shame and indignation would kill him. Yet this anarchist appealed to the memory of a Cuban hero to make this political point — a point which in reality should have been made by the former separatist leaders and their followers. The people of Cuba received the advent of the First Republic, on May 20, , with genuine jubilation — despite the insertion of the Platt Amendment into their constitution the previous year.

He felt little sympathy for the anarchists, despite the support they had given to the independence cause. This strike resulted from discrimination in hiring in favor of Spaniards over Cubans, and was backed by the anarchists in the unions and in their periodicals. The strike extended to towns neighboring Havana, and involved clashes with police. The strike then spread to other industries and the violence escalated. Despite the sympathies of many patriots with ties to the anarchists, the government of Estrada Palma refused to negotiate, which resulted in violent clashes with the new repressive government force, the Rural Guard.

The Cuban spirit of liberty had converted itself into pessimism and conformity, into a fear that any type of social disturbance would cause the failure of the first attempt of the Cubans to govern themselves. The Liga was more involved in the strike, and its leaders had tried to come to an accommodation with Estrada, expecting some backing from their old pro-independence allies.

Rivero y Rivero ended his days in the shadow of poverty, and Messonier threw himself into the political camp, in the Partido Nacional Cubano first, and later in the Partido Liberal, without ever renouncing the ideas of his youth, even though he had put aside the proletarian cause. In the campesino sector, the anarchists commenced at about this time to organize in the sugar industry. The response of the owners, in the Cruces area in the center of Cuba, was violent. The crime remained unpunished. In , there was an unsuccessful strike on May Day protesting these murders.

Of all the anarchist papers, magazines, bulletins, etc. This happened despite severe repression. Saavedra was fined, jailed, and was finally deported to Spain in It published the same number the following year, until it was shut down by the government. It appeared yet again under difficult circumstances and under the direction of Manuel Ferro in the summer of , and over the next few months eight issues appeared.

This notable newspaper focused on agrarian problems such as the establishment of agricultural cooperatives, the living conditions of the campesinos, and the organization of workers in the sugar industry. The second U. Still, the social situation continued to deteriorate. Not that it made much difference who was in power. The problems of the workers and campesinos were as remote from these politicians as was Siberia. They simply divided their countrymen into two groups: those who supported them and those who opposed them. Both considered the anarchists — anti-statists by principle — to be their sworn enemies.

The only difference between the liberals and the conservatives was that when the liberals were in the opposition, their more progressive elements attempted to attract the support of the anarchists through small favors, such as help with legal defense or through the reduction of prison time, more with the aim of manipulating them and creating social problems for the government than through any genuine sympathy.

For their part, the conservatives dedicated themselves to the simple persecution of anarchists. All of these strikes, despite having just demands, roundly failed. This was protested to little avail by the working public and its organizations. In this same year, there was unrest in the sugar cane cultivation are centered around Manzanillo, in Oriente province. In that year, the Cruces Congress, the first conference of Cuban rural workers and campesinos, took place. By Cruces had become a center for sugar production. To this end the Cruces Congress opened in February , seeking to create an island-wide labor federation, establish rationalist [non-religious] schools, push for a workplace accident law, push for an eight-hour day, abolish piecework and establish a minimum wage.

This was not surprising. The typographers had given Cuba Enrique Creci and J. Their response included street disorders and armed attacks upon the police in urban areas and upon the Guardia Rural in the countryside, in addition to some bombings. The government seized its last issue, went through its offices, and suspended its publication indefinitely.

This left the anarchists without a publication of their own, but their views continued to be published in like-minded periodicals, with the anarchists themselves doing the typography and printing. For their part, the anarchists involved in the campesino campaign in Cruces published a document known as the Manifiesto de Cruces, which for its literary quality had considerable impact and served as an ode to anarchist combativity. Iglesias was arrested a few days after the Manifiesto was issued.

The sugar industry could have easily afforded this, given that sugar prices on the world market rose during World War I above the level of the previous century. Instead, it chose repression. It consisted of a meeting hall and offices in a poor barrio near the center of the city. The Centro Obrero quickly became the most notable anarchist center of its time, and strikes, boycotts, and many other activities throughout the country were planned within its walls. The anarchists did all this under the watchful eyes of the Cuban government and U.

In and four general strikes broke out in Havana alone, and the repressive state was the target of several bombings. At the request of the U. With the taking of power by the Soviets, it appeared that the dream of three generations of struggles against the injustices of capitalism and the state had reached its conclusion. The Cuban anarchists showed jubilation in their own actions during this period, in which a few social-democratic and marxist elements participated, following the anarchist banners.

This attitude would change very shortly. Bombings shook Havana, and May Day saw another general strike. Anarchist periodicals proliferated. They were distributed by individuals in workplaces, shops, tobacco factories, etc. Clearly a proletarian cultural renaissance was taking place, in which even the most humble trades had information sheets. Anarchist literature circulated throughout the entire island, and the work of anarchist organizers, writers, orators, unionists, and cultural workers was characterized by exuberance.

A new generation of Cubans emerged in these years, in the midst of a society filled with colonial baggage, class and racial separations, authoritarian governments, and U. This new generation promoted radical changes in the social and political structure, and commenced a struggle against both native and foreign injustices. In their work for social justice for the most downtrodden, they succeeded in making anarchosyndicalist ideals those of most Cuban workers. He also integrated reformist elements into the proletarian struggle, a positive action for which he has received little credit.

The FOH was not formed exclusively of anarchist unions, even though they were the most numerous and libertarian ideas were the most popular in the organization. In , a reformist movement gained influence in the University of Havana. One of its leaders was Julio Antonio Mella. In , and with the undeniable tolerance of President Alfredo Zayas, a number of strike movements appeared among railway workers and sugar workers. That third congress was held in August in that city, with delegates in attendance.

This congress, in its structure, its accords, and its principles, was strongly influenced by anarchosyndicalist ideas — ideas which predominated among its delegates. The new president, Machado, quickly realized that the recently organized CNOC could either be a political collaborator or a political enemy. He had reason to hope for collaboration.

Machado managed to attract this reformist element within the CNOC with government posts, while the allies that the anarchists counted upon within the Partido Liberal made themselves invisible. For their part, the marxists — after a period of blatant political activity, in direct contradiction of the CNOC accords — laid low waiting for better times.

These repressive acts provoked strong protests, which, however, came to nothing. Because of the persecution, the political situation had become more difficult for the anarchists.

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Under Machado, protests which other governments had tolerated or had repressed to some extent, became the pretext for murderous repression. But there was no violence on the part of the unions. By December, the most active anarchists in Cuba were either in prison or had fled to Florida or the Yucatan.

In sum, intimidation, provocation, and murder were the political weapons of Machado at the end of the year. He was detained again by the police, and this time threatened with death. He again refused to back down. The repressive politics of Machado against the unions had no parallel in the history of the island. The marxists within the CNOC took advantage of this situation, and began to appropriate, on orders of the PCC, the positions formerly held by the deported, exiled, and murdered anarchists.

The response of radical anarchist elements to this violent repression was quick in coming. They engaged in street fighting against the government and also in several failed assassination attempts against Machado. In , a streetcar strike broke out that was backed by almost all of the unions. This strike became a general strike within 24 hours, and was the first of its kind in Cuba under a dictatorial regime. The anarchists actively backed this strike, while the anti-Machado capitalist press heaped praise on the PCC and interviewed its leaders.

This may seem strange, but during the Great Depression not only the working class but also the bourgeois class opposed the dictatorship, given that they were being ruined economically. The price of sugar had fallen to practically nothing, and social and political ruin was coupled with economic disaster.

Hugh Thomas quotes Mujal:. The Communists were Several Spanish anarchist leaders were murdered by Machado. On July 28, , another transportation strike broke out in Havana, and the city was paralyzed when the streetcar workers joined the strike. His dictatorship ended in August, when a number of political factions — including, prominently, the PCC, following orders from the Comintern — conspired with the U.

In a political maneuver that can only be categorized as insolent, the PCC, in the name of the remains of the CNOC, made a deal with Machado to end the general strike as if they were the ones who had called it. The PCC thus fell into the trap of believing its own lies.

The ambition for power had totally blinded the PCC. It had also participated in the electoral farce in , which seated the representatives of the coalition that backed Machado. Finally, on August 12, Machado was forced to flee because of a military coup backed by the U. The only remaining offices of the Cuban anarchists in were those of the FOH, from which the Spartacus group had operated clandestinely.

A battle ensued between the Communists and anarchosyndicalists, in which one anarchist was killed, and several people were wounded on both sides. Finally, the army intervened to stop the bloodshed. Their most dedicated leaders and activists had been victims of governmental murder or had been deported. It was tied to the military men who had carried out the coup — privates, corporals and sergeants from humble backgrounds, and with all manner of social ideas — whose leading figure was Fulgencio Batista.

This new government, the first of its kind on the island, defied the U. As could have been expected, the provisional government lasted only about days. This forced many Spanish anarchists to leave the island and return to their homeland, where a tragic civil war would shortly take place. These tactics would bear fruit in the following year; and the Communists would repeat them with even greater success in At the end of , with the aid of the U.

Searching for allies among the revolutionary opposition, some young anarchists affiliated themselves with the socialist organization Joven Cuba Young Cuba , led by the revolutionary and archenemy of the Communists, Antonio Guiteras, who had now fallen from power. Batista attempted to legitimize his dictatorship through the electoral process.

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The PCC came to his rescue. It offered him a deal putting all of the machinery of Cuban and international Communism at his service, and it promised to deliver votes in the coming elections. Batista badly needed this electoral support. Since the fall of Machado the authorities had exercised an iron control over the labor activities of the anarchosyndicalists. Thousands of opponents [of the Batista government] found themselves in jail. All of the towns At the same time, according to Nardo, difficulties were arising between the previous generation and the younger generation of anarchists.

For his part, Luis Dulzaides recorded his youthful impressions decades later. Considering the depressed economic situation in Cuba, the aid they sent to their Spanish comrades was considerable. A number of Cuban anarchists also went directly to Spain to fight. With the defeat of the Spanish Republic in , many of the surviving Cuban anarchists returned to Cuba, as did many Spanish anarchists who sailed from France and Spain with Cuban passports obtained with the help of libertarian elements with friends in the Cuban Ministry of State.

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There were cases of arriving anarchists being detained by the immigration authorities, who were then released after Cuban anarchists intervened on their behalf. As Paulino Diez notes in his memoirs, Cuba served as a trampoline for Spanish anarchists in the diaspora — it was a jumping off point for them on their journeys to cities throughout the Americas, from Chicago to Buenos Aires.

At the end of the s, Batista was a military man lacking a popular base. So he decided to create a political coalition with the help of the Partido Comunista Cubano. And the PCC entered into a pact with Batista. The CTC was designed to be the largest, most centralized labor organization in Cuba, one that would combine all existing social factions, including a dues-paying anarchist minority.

Thus, for the first time in Cuba, there was a marriage of unionism and the state. But there was at least one favorable development under Batista. The Constitution of marked the birth of a new republic.

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For the first time in Cuban history, a constitutional document considered the social problem, and its authors tried to correct the errors and omissions of the constitution of the First Republic. Notably, it rescinded the Platt Amendment, though U. Modern and progressive, this Cuban Magna Carta was the work of two generations of Cubans. Members of all social classes and all spheres of life had contributed to it. It considered in minute detail all of the problems that had come and all that its authors thought would come — social, political, agrarian, and labor problems from the previous convulsive decades of Cuban history.

The Constitution was intended as an instrument of social-democratic reform, and all that remained was to put it to the test by putting it into practice. The surviving sectors of the revolutionary anarchist movement of the — period, now working in the SIA and the FGAC, reinforced by those Cuban militants and Spanish anarchists fleeing now-fascist Spain, agreed at the beginning of the decade to hold an assembly with the purpose of regrouping the libertarian forces inside a single organization.

The large number of cenetistas members of the Spanish anarchosyndicalist CNT who arrived in Havana in the years following the Spanish civil war were attended to as well as was possible by their Cuban comrades. During the early years of the s, the ALC libertarians dedicated themselves to organizing in the labor field. The ALC began creating teams of militants from the recently formed Juventudes Libertarias JL , with the goal of regaining the ground lost to the Communists and reformists.

These were propaganda groups of high school students and young anarchist workers who dedicated themselves to distributing anarchist books, pamphlets, papers and magazines in schools and workplaces. Meanwhile, the Constitution of had enshrined the eight-hour day, which had been decreed in — thus one of the utopian visions from the pages of El Productor in was finally fulfilled. At the same time, the Constitution regulated the right to strike, but still recognized it as a right.

This situation, and the political infiltration inside the CTC, obliged the anarchosyndicalists within the CTC to create pressure groups, with the object of challenging the inertia, bureaucracy, and the frank collaboration of the PCC and CO with the Cuban government. Batista had been elected president with the aid and backing of the PCC. For this the PCC received ministerial posts, money, means of propaganda, and state protection. They had in effect converted the CTC into a political work force while thriving in the shadow of state power — thus once again betraying the true origins and principles of syndicalism in Cuba.

The people expected substantial change from the new, freely elected, social democratic government. This decision served as proof that despite the deletion of the Platt Amendment from the Cuban Constitution, those who had removed it still folded under pressure from the U. State Department. There was a libertarian renewal in these years. Velasco and C. Trigo also appeared. Many who were asked to sign refused because they considered the text a betrayal of basic anarchist principles.

Cuban Anarchism Excerpt

Gaona actively promoted the persecution of his former comrades, many of whom were forced to flee into exile. Outside Cuba, it fostered confusion and distrust of Cuban anarchists that lasted for decades. Many anarchist groups and individuals abroad became suspicious of those Cuban anarchists critical of the Castro regime. They regarded them as undeserving of support because of their opposition to a regime attempting social reform while under siege by the US government. This is a familiar tactic of all Marxist state authorities in their treatment of anarchists, who they view as threats to their power.

It remains for those who cherish and fight for a future free from oppression and illusion to reflect on the implications of the anarchist-Marxist encounter in Cuba. Quincy B. Thorn is a longtime anarchist living in the Pacific Northwest. It also criticised the French anarcho-syndicalist writer Gaston Leval for his lack of enthusiasm for the Castro revolution. This was his response. Airbnb announces available Cuban listings; The New York Times has full page ads for travel to the island. Isn't it all grand? Well, no. The remainder of the book details the experience of the Cuban anarchists in exile, their various publications and their difficulties in relation to the international anarchist movement, which was initially often reluctant to oppose Castro's revolution.

A weakness in the book lies with it's lack of a general analysis of the Cuban revolution, with Fernandez analysis differing little to that of the US bourgeoisie. Nevertheless the book as a whole is well researched and informative and is a much needed source of information on the important role that anarchists played throughout the history of the Cuban workers movement. This page is from the print version of the Irish Anarchist paper ' Workers Solidarity '. We also provide PDF files of all our publications for you to print out and distribute locally. Print out the PDF file of this issue. Print out the PDF file of the most recent issue.